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Volume 12, Issue 01

Technology with the Environment in Mind


Intel Technology Journal - Featuring Intel's recent research and development

ISSN 1535-864X DOI 10.1535/itj.1201.04

  • Volume 12
  • Issue 01
  • Published February 21, 2008

Technology with the Environment in Mind

  Section 6 of 11  

Green Homeowners as Lead Adopters: Sustainable Living and Green Computing

GREEN NETWORKING

Most social scientists are likely to agree that all of the attention, interest, excitement, and investment around environmentalism does not necessarily constitute a community. Some posit that community can be approached as a value [15], comprised of qualities such as solidarity, commitment, mutuality, reciprocity, and trust [16, 17]. More functionalist approaches see 'community' as constituent of two related components: 1) that the members of a group have something in common with each other; and 2) that the thing held in common distinguishes them in a significant way from the members of other possible groups [18]. Using these definitions as a guide, the concept of community necessarily involves an exclusionary act, in which the benefits of belonging to a particular group are denied in some way to non-members. In addition to this exclusionary position, shared expectations about the way people should behave 'in-group'—and how well integrated these behaviors are within conceptions of identity for its members—are also critical to understanding whether or not a group understands itself as a community.

For the participants in our study, it is difficult to argue that they collectively constitute a community. Beginning with Cohen's exclusionary principle of community, some participants in our study pointed to varying levels of commitment to sustainable building and living in which they tended to position themselves. This did not typically translate to exclusionary behavior, however. For example, Edward, an architect in the Bay area, is quick to point out that although he feels many other architects fall short in green building, he doesn't want to "disqualify them."

Allison: Are there any green architects in—in the area that you [interact with] or…?

Edward: Yeah, there are a few.

Allison: Yeah?

Edward: Yeah. But I have to say—I mean, you know, everybody tries to be green and I don't want to, you know, um disqualify them or anything. I mean, I guess everybody's doing their best, right?

This inclusive sentiment is often accompanied by a remarkable enthusiasm for sharing information and different perspectives on sustainable living.

Whether intentional or not, our participants' drive and enthusiasm to share knowledge and (in some cases) facilitate the somewhat viral spread of interest in sustainable living into the 'mainstream' would seem to indicate an inherent resistance to forming a 'community' as defined by the social sciences. This could be interpreted as an effort to avoid the ghetto-ization of sustainable living and to steer 'earth-friendly' practices in directions that were out of reach for 1960s counterculture-based environmentalism. In other words, if mainstreaming is the goal, it doesn't do you much good to form a clique.

Our research revealed a number of patterns within which participants tended to communicate about green home construction, remodeling, and related forms of sustainable living. These patterns typically begin with processes of learning by networking with others who have already taken similar action. For instance, Jerry and Kylie cite how a solar conference proved to be a particularly informative venue for them:

Allison: So, where do you find out how stuff works?

Jerry: Lots and lots and lots and lots of reading and I think our biggest, most interesting eye opener in the past year was we went to a big solar fair called SolWest…

In all, it was a great technology event as far as being able to sit down with the people and talk about problems and solving this and going to seminars and that kind of thing. It was a huge eye opener for why this technology is being accepted across the board. There were 280 or 300 visitors to SolWest. And like I told people at the solar home party after this whole thing was over, I said, "If you guys want to go somewhere and see an interesting cross-section, go to SolWest." There were like 280 visitors at SolWest and you could probably find 200 different reasons why people were interested in solar power.

Likewise, the Web tends to play a critical role in green networking. Here, Janet talks about how her non-profit environmental organization benefits from online communications:

Jay: Does the Internet play an increasing role in the [non-profit's] networking?

Janet: Well it does. Increasingly people come to the tour having found us on the net and then they tend…they will become members. Not everyone who comes on a tour joins, but a proportion of them do and that does build the network.

Instances like these—where synergy between online networks and traditional organizations builds momentum and reaches new audiences—are increasingly common. In fact, authors like Bill McKibben see the Internet as a key facilitator of a new kind of environmental action:

"In days of yore, if you were concerned about, say, global warming, you might write a letter to your congressman. You might research the presidential candidates to figure out which one was most aggressive about climate change, and then you might mail him a check. But the chance to work together with people around the country on a common cause was mostly reserved for 'organizations'—for environmental groups, say, with big buildings in Washington, calendars and boards of directors.

In the Internet Age, though, new models emerge…a certain kind of organizing no longer requires years of groundwork. It requires a good idea and a well-written e-mail…The fight against global warming requires all kinds of technology—solar panels and windmills, but also servers and routers" [19].

In addition to new forms of alliance-building, the Web also provides opportunities for participatory environmentalism in which blogs, forums, mailing lists, social networking sites, and other Web venues increasingly serve as platforms where individuals can personalize their own forms of environmentalism. The breadth and depth of environmentally-focused blogs alone (c.f., www.bestgreenblogs.com/) bears witness to the fact that there is a great deal of interest in varying forms of personal expression in this area.

Our research also revealed personalized forms of environmentalism in which the home itself is used as a vehicle for "green" expression. For many of our research participants, street protests or sit-ins aren't realistic options for expressing their concern about global climate change or other environmental issues. However, modifying a home to be more sustainable offers immediate personal gratification coupled with a tangible demonstration of environmental values. And, like other forms of expression, home modifications are also increasingly tied to the Web and the resources it offers.

These forms of individual expression align well with the historical tradition of North Americans' understanding of nature and environmentalism, and the relationship of these to North America's frontier-oriented history. These beliefs begin with the assumption that individual action (often enabled through networks) is the most direct way to affect change. Silveira puts it in terms of entitlement:

"…the notion of Nature itself is laden with religious and moral overtones. From early on, American frontier ideology has equated the settling of the frontier with the rise of America's vigorous and independent democracy. Whether it be the right of a child to grow up without the increased risk of getting asthma from poor air quality, or the right of indigenous populations to fish in ancestral fishing grounds without increased risks of cancer from toxins in the fish, rights rhetoric can be used by environmentalists to both personalize and broaden the appeal of their message." [20]

Beyond Silveira's notion of environmentalism linked to entitlement, we found that our research participants also practice many other forms of expression that reflect a unique intersection between environmental priorities and North American values closely tied to the historical and cultural landscape of the United States. Perhaps most commonly, we witnessed a sense of optimism that is suggestive of the utopian narratives that describe the nation's settlement.

For example, our participants' critiques of the 'mainstream' often engage utopian imaginaries that are reminiscent of the nation's founding narratives, in which immigrants fleeing various forms of oppression from (historically European) cultural establishments find a place to start over, and in the process re-invent themselves. Although this latter narrative typically overlooks some of the tragedies that befell Native Americans in the process, it also includes an appreciation of the environment that is firmly rooted in the mythical and visual interpretations of the American West, where some of the country's most widely renowned early environmentalists (Emerson, Thoreau, Muir, Roosevelt, Leopold, etc.) found their inspiration.

  Section 6 of 11  

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